Dear Mario, don't let Italy drop a government of the euro

It is imperative that a government of the euro worthy of this name undergoes a public debate, elaborate and conduct an economic and fiscal policy, supervise the correct application of economic and budgetary criteria especially with regards to regulations of the stability and growth pact, and of macro-economic supervision. This government has to be organized within the European Commission that will become at the end the real government of the Union. Such duties will have to be entrusted to the vice president of the Commission in charge of economic and monetary affairs of the Eurozone. This person will represent the Eurozone in international financial institutions and will preside over the Eurogroup and the Ecofin Council. This person will be elected in 2014, like the president of the Commission, by the European Parliament.
In giving an urgent and strong answer to the crisis underway, however, it would be a serious mistake to oppose changes to the Treaty or to a new Treaty and to reject the possibility of a revision presented in particular by the German government. This revision will be acceptable at precise conditions.

First of all it would be undesirable to proceed with secret and rushed discussions and to adopt a Treaty that is tailored to a limited number of Countries within the Eurozone, in particular because markets would immediately attack those Countries that are not part of the group with dramatic consequences for them, for the Eurozone and for the European Union as a whole. European people would not be able to accept this danger.
The revision of the Treaty or the new Treaty cannot be limited to setting rules and sanctions in case of violations of the rules established for the Eurozone; they will have to complete the institutional framework, strengthen the duties of the Union that guarantee common assets regarding all of Europe, to delve into the dimension of a European democracy and create tools that ensure growth, safeguard economic and social rights and the necessary solidarity.
To make a democratic compromise easier, we share the request to quickly call a constitutional convention on the basis of article 48 of the Treaty of Lisbon that gets together the representatives of the European Parliament, the national Parliaments and governments and the European Commission. Organizations of social partners, organized civil society, local and regional powers will have to be urged to assist as observers. We also feel it is essential that the Convention be called on the basis of a proposed revision of the Treaty drafted by the European Parliament and we urge members of the European Parliament elected in Italy to start working so that it quickly exercises this right.

The experience on the Convention on the constitution of Europe finally makes one think on the decision making and ratification procedures of the new Treaty in order to avert the paralysis that could emerge from hesitations or negative desires of a minority of Countries.
In this spirit we share the idea of a pan-European referendum that replaces the sum of national referendums, which are against the principle of European democracy. Considering the exceptional character of the decisions that will have to be taken at the December 9th European Council, we underline the advisability and urgency that the Prime Minister preemptively informs the House and Senate on the position of the Italian Government, urging parliamentary support.

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